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Recently-deceased black gunman Christopher Dorner is fairly typical of black mass murderers who feel that white society has wronged them, and deserves to be shot at.

Examples:

• Colin Ferguson
• Omar Thornton
• Mark Essex, the 1972 Howard Johnson’s Sniper
• John Allen Muhammad, Beltway Sniper
• Jamie Foxx as the fictional Django Unchained.

And a whole bunch of guys you've never heard of, or if you'd heard of the incident, you'd say “That guy was black? I didn’t know that! Why didn’t anyone mention it?”

What makes Dorner different: for years, he was a member of the Los Angeles Police Department, fired for lying about another officer’s alleged (by him) violence and racism. [LAPD records: Fugitive Christopher Dorner had troubled tenure, By Eric Hartley, LA Daily News, February 9, 2013]

Steve Sailer asked

Immediately after the New York Times headlined "Shooting Suspect’s Racism Allegations Resound for Some," the chief of the LAPD announced the department would re-investigate why Christopher Dorner was fired.

As usual, the opposite question from the one being obsessed over in the media seems more worthy of investigation: Why was this highly defective individual hired in the first place? Why did the LAPD, which is big enough to afford the most sophisticated screening processes, ever give this man a badge and a gun?

The answer, of course: Affirmative Action. In a piece for The American Enterprise, Jan Golab said

The LAPD was once known as "the world's greatest police department," due largely to its stringent character screening. Back in the era of Sergeant Joe Friday, LAPD candidates were checked out as thoroughly as homicide suspects. Even a casual relationship with any known criminal excluded a candidate from being considered as a police officer.

All that is now history. In a bid to appease racial activists and meet federal decrees, strict screening and testing measures were dismantled. New black and Hispanic officer candidates were hustled into the ranks at any cost. What former deputy chief Steve Downing called "a quagmire of quota systems" was set up, and "standards were lowered and merit took a back seat to the new political imperatives." [The American Enterprise: How Racial P.C. Corrupted the LAPD (alternate link) By Jan Golab, June 2005]

The reason for this decline: all those standards have a disparate impact on minorities. If you're going to hire more non-Asian minorities, you're going to have to lower standards.(Japanese-American police, by contrast, are actually good in LA, and as former LAPD officer Joseph Wambaugh pointed out in his 1972 novel The Blue Knight , would use Japanese martial arts to make up for their smaller size.)

There are many African-Americans who could be police, but they tend to not want to be police, because they think police work is racist by definition. Part of that they get from the media. Jan Golab wrote in the 2005 article that

"Today, cops all across the United States battle a foe as destructive as crime itself: the presumption of common prejudice… This view has been fanned by a media elite which has made 'diversity' its virtual religion."

Also, Affirmative Action in the rest of society means that a qualified African-American is much in demand in other, better jobs—jobs in which, unlike police officers, he can stay home nights and weekends, and not get shot.

So what do you get instead on the police force? Well, aside from the late Christopher Dorner, you get the Los Angeles Rampart Police Scandal. Dorner mentioned it in his rantings, and it’s being picked up the “blame the LAPD” media:

After all, this is the city where the videotaped police beating of black motorist Rodney King—and the subsequent acquittal of the officers involved—sparked race riots in 1992. The department was also embroiled in a rash of corruption charges and civil rights violations known as the Rampart scandal in the late 1990s and early 2000s; eventually an independent monitor was set up by the LAPD and the federal government to guide and enforce reforms. “The department has not changed since the Rampart and Rodney King days,” Dorner claimed in his manifesto. “It has gotten worse.”

After Christopher Dorner, What Next for the LAPD?, By Jens Erik Gould, Time.com, February 14, 2013 [Links added by VDARE.com]

Well, here’s what the Rampart  Police Scandal actually was—a bunch of LAPD officers engaged in a conspiracy to shoot, and frame, a Honduran immigrant gang member, Javier Oviando. He was sent to prison, but later released, and is now in a wheelchair. That’s the main Civil Rights aspect of the scandal, as opposed to corruption.

Here are the players:

Kevin Gaines, LAPD, Deceased

In a road rage incident, Gaines attacked what he thought was an unarmed white man, Frank Lyga, with a pistol. Lyga turned out to be an undercover police officer,

President Barack Obama has been chided for failing to keep his promise to visit the South Side of Chicago, which he dubbed “his Kennebunkport,” every six to eight weeks, [Obama's Chicago visits: Mixed feelings on infrequency of trips home, By Katherine Skiba and Becky Schlikerman, Chicago Tribune, April 12, 2011] But on Friday (February 15) he returns to one of the largest concentrations of black people in the world to push for more gun control. [Obama coming to Chicago to 'talk about the gun violence', By Ellen Jean Hirst, Naomi Nix and Jennifer Delgado,Chicago Tribune, February 11, 2013]

Obama will use the gun violence in Chicago, in particular the murder of 15-year-old Chicago public school “honor student” Hadiya Pendleton, whose majorette squad had participated in Obama’s inauguration festivities a few days earlier, as a symbol for restricting firearms all over America. Pendleton was gunned down not far from the Chicago residence of America’s First Family. Her four-hour funeral was attended by the First Lady herself. [Hadiya Pendleton funeral: Joyous memories, bitter facts about gun violence, By Dahleen Glanton and Bridget Doyle, Chicago Tribune, February 9, 2013] and Obama invited Cleopatra Pendleton, Hadiya’s mother, to Tuesday’s State of the Union address.

But the violence in Chicago and the “random” shooting of Pendleton—just one of the 51 homicide victims and 185+ gunshot victims in the city of Chicago in 2013 as of February 14—are a fatally flawed symbol of the need to force the American people to surrender the Second Amendment and their right to bear arms.

No—rather, the South Side of Chicago and the condition of the almost entirely black community there instead symbolizes why the Second Amendment must be protected at all costs.

Recall that Chicago was one of the first major cities to eliminate its citizens’ right to purchase handguns—in 1982, its city council passed what amounted to the strictest gun control laws in America. This coincided with Chicago’s black population overtaking the white population for the first time in the city’s history. Chicago was more than 85 percent white in the 1950s, but massive migration of blacks from the South and white flight from the city reshaped the demographics of Chicagoland.

It is the black population’s propensity to commit robberies, assaults, and murder using guns—even though they are illegal in Chicago—that threatens to destabilize the city, scaring away tourists, driving away capital investment, aborting gentrification. (There’s a riveting account of this mayhem in Sudhir Venkatesh’s 2008 book Gang Leader for a Day: A Rogue Sociologist Takes to the Streets).

This is a city where

• 94 percent of the gunmen who shot and wounded someone in 2012 got away without criminal charges [Most Shooters In Chicago Don't Face Charges, By Mark Konkol, DNAinfo January 24, 2013]. (The number was 91.5 percent in 2011).
• the embattled Chicago Police Department will no longer respond to pesky 9-1-1 calls that merely report “criminal damage to property, vehicle thefts, garage burglaries, or other crimes in which the suspect is no longer on the scene, and the victim isn’t in immediate danger” [Chicago Police Changing Response Plan For Some 911 Calls, CBS Chicago, February 4, 2013] in a bid to free up additional officers to patrol, ahem, majority black areas of the city.
• The Rev. Jesse Jackson—when he isn’t calling gun rights supporters “domestic terrorists” – is calling for the Department of Homeland Security to patrol the streets.

Incredibly, the death toll by murder in Chicago over the past decade is greater than the number of American soldiers who have died in Afghanistan

In We Are Doomed I referred to the State of the Union address as a “Stalinesque extravaganza.”

You know how it goes.    We’re shown the House chamber, where the nation’s highest civilian and military officials wait in gathering expectation.  The Sergeant at Arms announces the President’s arrival.  The great man appears at last.  In his progress through the chamber, legislators jostle and maneuver to catch his eye and receive the favor of a presidential greeting. 

On the podium at last, the President offers up preposterously grandiose assurances of protection, provision, and moral guidance from his government, these declarations of benevolent omnipotence punctuated by standing ovations and cheers from legislators of his own party, and often from the others too, after every declarative clause. 

Things haven’t improved any in the four years since I wrote that.  Every year grows stronger my yearning for a return to the modest style that prevailed through most of the Republic’s history, of the President delivering a written report to Congress on the State of the Union.  Vain hope, of course:  the politicians of this age don’t do modest.

Well, well, what did the President have to tell us about the State of our Union?  On the topic that most concerns readers of VDARE.com, next to nothing: there was less than 2½ minutes on immigration in a one-hour speech, and this came at well past the halfway mark, when many viewers will have given up.

Opener:

“Our economy is stronger when we harness the talents and ingenuity of striving, hopeful immigrants [applause]; and right now, leaders of business, labor, law enforcement, faith communities, they all agree that the time has come to pass comprehensive immigration reform [prolonged applause].”

Mostly true.  Business leaders have no problem with private-sector labor markets being flooded to bring down wages.  “Labor” nowadays means public-sector employees, to whom immigrants are clients, i.e. bread and butter. “Faith communities,” formerly known as churches, are in the nation-wrecking van of immigration romanticism and refugee resettlement, to the disgust of many patriotic congregants.

“Law enforcement” needs some qualification, however, with one leader in that field testifying to Congress recently that his officers are disciplined for arresting illegal immigrants.

In confirmation of that testimony, there were illegal immigrants sitting right there in the House chamber as the President spoke, brought in as guests of congressmen.  Why did not the Capitol police arrest them?

So perhaps not quite all leaders agree.  And what about followers?  Oh, the heck with them! 

What exactly is comprehensive immigration reform, though?  Let the President tell us:

“Real reform means stronger border security, and we can build on the progress my administration’s already made, putting more boots on the southern border than at any time in our history . . .”

There flashed upon my inward eye at that point a stretch of southern border desert country with thousands of empty boots laid out on it in a line stretching all the to the horizon.  Perhaps that’s

Gun control seems likely to figure as much as amnesty in President Obama’s State of the Union address on Tuesday night. Vice President Biden will certainly get his wish (“we’re counting on all of you, the legitimate news media”) for campaigning coverage from the Main Stream Media.  And now the Administration can also count on Arnold Schwarzenegger, who recently announced his conversion to gun control [Arnold Schwarzenegger On Gun Control: 'Leave No Stone Unturned', By Natalie Rotman, Huffington Post, January 17, 2013]

It’s worth contrasting Schwarzenegger’s sickening scuttle with the contrary evolution of another movie action hero, Charlton Heston, who began as a liberal and a supporter of “Civil Rights”—when most of Hollywood was afraid of getting involved—and ended as five-term President of the National Rifle Association. Indeed, Schwarzenegger seems finally have taken to heart the early advice of his Jewish publicist Charlotte Parker:

One person she advised avoiding was the forthrightly conservative Charlton Heston, who since The Ten Commandments had brought Moses-like authority to his political conventions. While Schwarzenegger’s political ideas weren’t that different from Heston’s [my emphasis—PK], and it would have seemed natural for the two conservative stars to stand arm in arm, Parker’s protective instinct was to keep Schwarzenegger away from the National Rifle Association’s Hollywood poster child. If Heston appeared as the same event, Parker insisted, Schwarzenegger must never allow himself to be photographed with Heston, or, she warned, he would become marked as a right-wing ideologue.

Fantastic: The Life of Arnold Schwarzenegger, (2005) by Laurence Leamer, P.164

But back when Schwarzenegger preparing to take on the role of his life, Conan the Barbarian, director John Milius told him to hang out with Hell’s Angels to research the type of character he wanted Schwarzenegger to portray. And, Schwarzenegger biographer Leamer writes:

His natural sympathies were with those living on the wild fringes of American life. He fancied that these self-conscious outlaws were the torchbearers of a kind of liberty that those in corporate/bureaucratic America had long forgotten or considered mere indulgence. He was a skeet-shooting hunting control. He had, by his count, about fifteen guns in his house, including not only shotguns and pistols but an Uzi.” (p. 133) [my emphasis—PK]

Charlton Heston’s final book, The Courage to Be Free (2000), offers remarkable insight into the very different personality of the man who played Ben Hur. He wrote about his experience during the L.A. Riots of 1992:

Police couldn't stop the riots in the wake of the Rodney King trial verdict in Los Angeles. I know. I was there. I was at home in the Los Angeles area when those riots broke out just a few miles away. And I was armed. Like everyone within a radius of fifty miles of those riots, I was concerned when I realized that the Los Angeles police Department could not, or would not, control the carnage and vandalism. 

The fear ran so quickly and so deeply throughout the Los Angeles basin that even my liberal friends were frightened. My phone rang day and night. As TV news choppers hacked through smoke-darkened skies over L.A., I got a phone calls from firmly anti-gun friend in clear conflict. 

"Umm Chuck, you have quite a few... ah guns, don't you?"

"Yes, I do."

"Shotguns and... like that?"

"Indeed."

"Could you lend me one for a day or so? I tried to buy one but they have this 15 waiting day period..." (p.73)

One can only guess that many of those who called Heston asking for guns had been clients of Charlotte Parker.

In The Courage To Be Free, Heston did not hesitate to draw a moral about the attack on America’s founding ethnicity:

The message from the cultural warlords is everywhere, delivered with the arrogant swagger of absolute confidence. Summarized, it is this: Heaven help the God-fearing, law-abiding, Caucasian, middle class, Protestant (or even worse evangelical) Christian, the Midwestern or southern (or even worse rural) hunter, apparently straight or admitted heterosexual gun-owning average working stiff, or even worse still male working stiff, because not only do you not count, you're a downright obstacle to social progress. Your tax dollars may be just as welcome and green as you hand them over, but your voice deserves no hearing, your opinion is not enlightened, your media access is virtually nil, and frankly mister, you need to wake up, wise up, and learn a little something about your new America. 

And until you do, why don't you just sit down and shut up! (p.5-6)

Sounds like the anti-white MSM chest-thumping after Obama’s 2012 re-election.

But, just as Schwarzenegger has finally steered clear of Heston, the David Keene NRA, now very much a part of Conservatism Inc., would certainly distance itself from Heston’s frank defense of white peoples’ right to exist.

Schwarzenegger’s recent autobiography Total Recall inadvertently reveals the cost of his social climbing:

I followed the presidential campaigns that year with great interest and accepted happily when I was invited to take part in the Republican National Convention in New Orleans in August. My assignment was to add celebrity power to one of the “caucus teams” of Reagan administration officials and Bush supporters whose job it was to glad-hand the state delegations and chat them up on key issues.

I’d been to Republican conventions before, but this was the first since I’d married a Shriver. Maria and I believed that we should continue as we always had: she would go to the Democratic convention and to gatherings for all the things she believed in, and she would cover Republicans as a journalist, and I would keep going to the Republican convention. But we needed to be careful to avoid unnecessary controversy. Everything went well in New Orleans until my friend and trapshooting buddy Tony Makris, the PR guru of the National Rifle Association, mentioned that the NRA was holding a brunch in honor of Texas Senator Phil Gramm—would I like to stop by? I’d gotten to know Gramm well by then. When I showed up the next morning, other celebrities were there also, but the reporters converged on me. The Kennedys, having endured two tragic political assassinations, were very antigun, so what was I doing at an NRA reception? I hadn’t even thought about it. If I had, I would have been sensitive enough not to attend this NRA event. They also asked, as a Kennedy by marriage, was I supporting the NRA? What was my position on automatic weapons? Saturday night specials? Sniper rifles? Cop-killing bullets? I didn’t know how to respond. I belonged to the NRA because I believed in the constitutional right to bear arms, but I hadn’t though through all those issues and details. There was even a question about my very presence at the 1988 Republican National Convention: was it some kind of statement in defiance of the Kennedy family? (p. 368)

Besides his Kennedy connections, Schwarzenegger worked his way into intimacy with the Bush family dynasty—he campaigned for Bush I against Pat Buchanan in