Recent News

Mitt Romney rolls on (more or less). And his key success in the February 28 presidential primary in my home state of Arizona must be attributed at least in part to his going out of his way, in the candidates’ debate, to defend the state’s struggle against illegal immigration and its enabler, the Obama Administration.

As usual, of course, Romney’s signals are mixed. More recently, his spokesman Ryan Williams has been reassuring MSM immigration enthusiasts that Romney meant, not SB1070, but the state’s 2007 employer sanctions law. [For Romney, 'model' policy on migration isn't SB 1070, by Dan Nowicki, Arizona Republic, Mar. 3, 2012].

But even the 2007 law required Arizona employers to hire only legal workers. And the simplest way for an employer to do that is to use the Federal E-Verify program.

So, at the very least, a Romney nomination seems likely to make E-Verify an issue in the general election.

Why do business groups and "immigrant rights" groups fight so fiercely against making E-Verify mandatory? Is it really because they are concerned that legal workers will accidentally be flagged as unauthorized and be fired or that E-Verify will breed profiling?

I don't think so.

Let's be honest. Business groups are just greedy. They have become addicted to

So why did Rush Limbaugh apologize?

When Democratic activist Sandra Fluke testified that she wanted Georgetown, a Catholic University, to be compelled by federal law to pay her three thousand dollars for contraceptives—she meant the Pill, which means she’s asking her university to pay for her to able to have unprotected sex—Limbaugh called her a “slut.” According to Media Matters, the Outraged Left, and the Righteous Right, that’s something Rush is not allowed to say.

Limbaugh is a talk show host. Insulting people is his job.

But, as with Lou Dobbs, Glenn Beck and Pat Buchanan, Media Matters doesn’t want him to have his job. What can it do to destroy him?

There’s virtually no law of libel in the United States. The Supreme Court abolished it in order to prevent the Press and the Civil Rights movement from being sued for lying about the South. The FCC abandoned the unconstitutional “Fairness Doctrine” years ago. (Efforts to revive it are called, with good reason, the “Hush Rush Law.”)

And Limbaugh doesn’t actually have a job he can be fired from. He’s a businessman with his own network, which he sells to advertisers and to radio stations around the country.

This makes money for the advertisers, because Limbaugh has many extremely loyal fans, and it makes money for the radio stations, too.

But in spite of this, advertisers are dropping him. Recently he’s lost the accounts of

• AOL Inc.
• Tax Resolution Services Co.
• ProFlowers
• Quicken Loans
• Sleep Number beds
• Sleep Train
• Citrix Systems Inc.
• online data backup service provider Carbonite
• online legal document services company LegalZoom

and Allstate Corp, which not only dropped him, but claimed it only advertised on the show by mistake. [Limbaugh advertisers keep heading for the exits  March 5, 2012]

This is notwithstanding the fact that he’s issued

1. An apology: A Statement from Rush, March 3, 2012
2. A statement about why he apologized, repeating his apology: Why I Apologized to Sandra Fluke, March 5, 2012.

But it wasn’t enough—it’s never enough. [Faux-Apology Not Accepted: Fire Rush Limbaugh for His Hateful Misogyny, by

This daily cartoon contributed to VDARE.com by Baloo. His site is HERE

By Howard Foster

Peter Brimelow writes: We’ve been interested for many years in Chicago lawyer Howard Foster’s application of the swingeing RICO [Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations] statute to illegal immigration. He achieved a signal victory against Mohawk Industries in 2010. Here, adapted from his blog, he reports his new class action, against Mississippi-based Sanderson Farms Inc.

I won one of my very few MSM journalism prizes, along with my co-author Leslie Spencer, for a 1989 expose in Forbes magazine of the trial lawyers' formidable power. (They are who really created Ralph Nader, for example). I am delighted to see this ferocious group descend on the corporate crooks who employ illegals aliens at the expense of Americans—the group we at VDARE.com call the “Slave Power”. I think they deserve each other.

And Howard Foster is a patriot into the bargain, as you can see from his writing here and here and here.

We have filed a new civil RICO wage depression class action, Simpson v. Sanderson Farms, Inc. against Sanderson Farms, Inc., a large poultry processor in Moultrie, Georgia and several of its HR (Human Resources) personnel for depressing the wages of the legal workers (Ms. Simpson and co-class representative Ms. Roberts).  

Anyone believing the illegal immigration problem has abated due to the recession should read the Complaint, which will be posted on our homepage.  

Here are a few highlights:

Janie Perales, an HR hiring clerk in charge of interviewing Spanish-speaking applicants for hourly-paid positions at the plant (a significant portion of all applicants) boasted that she “could get a busload of Mexicans anytime [Sanderson] needs them.”  In conducting job interviews she routinely accepted IDs issued from Mexico, photos which had been cut and pasted into homemade documents and photos with images of more than one person (all of which violate the Immigration Reform and Control Act, (IRCA), the law prohibiting the hiring of illegal immigrants).  She was trained by her superiors not to ask the obvious follow-up questions of such persons (like where were you born?).  

The Company’s line was always, “we’re not immigration; we’re here to run our business.”  But this is patently wrong.  IRCA made employers “the front line in the enforcement of federal laws governing employment eligibility.”  Castro v. Attorney General of the United States, _F.3d _, 2012 WL 456530 at *10 (3d Cir. 2012).[PDF]

The situation grew so offensive to Moultrie, Georgia that even the pro-Mexican Bush administration conducted a raid of sorts in 2008. Word leaked out in advance to Sanderson.  Some of the Defendants tipped off known illegal immigrants.  They did not come to work the day of the “raid.”  

It is typical for companies using large numbers of illegal immigrants to have sympathetic HR personnel to facilitate the illegal hiring.  In my case against Zirkle Fruit Co. in Selah, Washington, Perales’ counterpart was herself an illegal immigrant who obtained her first job with the Company using a fake social security number and was promoted to HR executive.  She even married the HR Director.

After the raid, Sanderson conducted a symbolic purge of some known illegal immigrants and fired Perales.  It wanted to give the illusion

They're baaaaaaack. Barack Obama's election-year goon squad kicked into high gear this week by kicking the president's fiercest opponents in the teeth and targeting their pocketbooks. Returning to bully business as usual,  the Obama campaign launched a brazen salvo against two prominent conservative critics and their legions of private citizen donors.

[Previously by Otis L. Graham: The Unheeded Second Thoughts Of John Higham]

Peter Brimelow writes: Otis Graham, historian and veteran immigration activist, has been described, by Steve Sailer, as the “Last of the Nice WASP Progressives”. This niceness, and progressivism, shine through this talk he gave October 1 2011, at a Federation for Immigration Reform dinner in honor of FAIR founder John Tanton, who had abruptly retired from the FAIR board. 

The movement for patriotic immigration reform is a coalition, and many VDARE.com readers will not agree with Graham’s emphasis on population control and other liberal causes. I found it interesting that FAIR’s first Executive Director, Roger Conner, [Email him] was trying to achieve Politically Correct staffing some thirty years ago—an early symptom of the strategic cowardice that (in my view) has rendered the Beltway movement , despite Graham and Tanton’s honorable efforts, ultimately a failure.  (K.C. McAlpin, the staffer who, Graham reports, correctly disputed Conners’ Panglossian interpretation of the 1986 IRCA legislation, recently succeeded Tanton as head of US Inc).

Nevertheless, it takes all sorts to make a revolution, and Graham is right to suggest that he and his fellow reformers will one day be regarded as “prophets and heroes”—hopefully, not when they are “long ago dead” , as he stoically expects. Moreover, Graham’s very niceness, and progressivism, gives the lie to the vile $PLC campaigns against him and his—perhaps ineffective, but in this context unquestionably innocent—Beltway associates.

FAIR board chair Sherry Barnes, judging me to be the oldest person expected to attend this meeting, asked if I would reflect on the high and low points that stretch over the more than three decades of our social movement to realign American immigration policy.

The story, for me, goes back to the Sixties. When that troubled decade arrived I was quickly drawn into several social reform movements—first Civil Rights, then environmentalism, anti-Vietnam war and women’s rights got my involvement. Four years as program director for Robert Hutchins’ Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions brought into my view the global population problem. This led to the discovery that America had a growing problem with illegal as well as expanding legal immigration. I wrote a white paper for a Center conference, and it was published in The Center Magazine.

That should have been the end of that. You write an article, nobody reads it, you move on. I was not looking for any more engagement with immigration—or population either, for that matter. I certainly did not need another cause. I was booked up.

I didn’t need an eye doctor, either, but in the summer of 1978 an ophthalmologist called me from a place I had never heard of: Petoskey, Michigan. This doctor, John Tanton, told me that he had read my essay and offered me a substitute for the tithe to my church which he somehow knew I was neglecting to pay. I could make up for my shortcomings by accepting the place on the founding board of a new organization he was forming: FAIR, the Federation for American Immigration Reform. A tiny social movement was about to be launched.

For some reason I agreed, and this social movement took over more and more of my spare time. I found myself serving on the board of FAIR and two other immigration reform groups. Here are my recollections of

 Background to Arizona’s February 28 presidential primary: Arizona Gov. Jan Brewer was photographed recently in the midst of a heated exchange with President Obama at a Phoenix airport. The President had been thin-skinned enough to be upset by the book’s description of him as “thin-skinned” in her book, Scorpions for Breakfast: My Fight Against Special Interests, Liberal Media, and Cynical Politicos to Secure America’s Border. But Brewer stood up to him, finger wagging, and he stalked off without listening to the rest of what she had to say. (On Sunday’s Meet The Press, Brewer announced that she is endorsing Mitt Romney, who specifically praised Arizona’s anti-illegal immigration legislation in the last GOP candidate’s debate. She also defended her skipping the White House dinner held that night, prior to Obama’s meeting with the National Governors Association).

Amazon sales of Brewer’s book which occasioned the contretemps jumped two  million percent overnight.

So what’s in her book? The story that Brewer lays is compelling and she has performed a patriotic service since the disgraceful details have been typically glossed over by the pro-immigration Main Stream Media. It’s essential background to understanding Arizona’s agony—but it won’t tell you what’s behind it.

Back in 1992, only about 8 percent of illegal entry into the United States occurred at the Arizona border. Three quarters occurred near either San Diego or El Paso.

The people of those border regions had had quite enough, and the Clinton Administration listened. Fences were built, patrols beefed-up, infrared night scopes and motion sensors installed in those two areas. It worked. In El Paso, apprehensions fell by about 85 percent, in San Diego by over 75 percent.

The idea behind concentrating enforcement in these urban areas was, as Brewer explains, “to push illegal crossers into more remote areas where they would have to make long, arduous crossings and would presumably be easier to apprehend.” Unfortunately for Arizona, the prospect of a more difficult and dangerous journey to the US proved insufficient to deter illegals completely, especially once drug-related violence became endemic in their native land. So Arizona now receives about half of America’s illegal entrants.

In earlier days, a Mexican might, for a few hundred dollars, hire a “mom-and-pop” guide to help him across the border. But the increasing difficulty and danger of the task has raised the stakes. The contemporary smuggler, or “coyote,” charges two thousand dollars or more per person and leads groups of twenty, fifty or a hundred people at a time. This has attracted a far more brutal criminal element to the business.

The trek is usually around sixty or seventy miles through some of the roughest terrain in America. “In remote areas of Arizona,” explains Gov. Brewer, “you can walk through the desert for hours without seeing any people, roads or buildings. There are rattlesnakes and scorpions. The sun is relentless and water is nonexistent.”

An injury—even a slight one—can mean the difference between life and death. Drug cartel coyotes think nothing of leaving behind the sick or injured, and the Border patrol routinely comes upon their decomposed remains. Since 2001, the bodies of more than 2100 men, women and children have been found.

The journey can take several days. Women may be raped. Men may be forced to serve as drug “mules,” carrying up to sixty pounds of marijuana strapped to their bodies.

The mountaintops round about are infested with hundreds of so-called spotters—cartel members who monitor smuggling routes with have GPS and night-vision goggles. Two to three hundred of these spotters are in the hills, often deep within US territory, at any given time. They use encrypted satellite radios to communicate with the “coyotes” leading human trains of drug mules across the desert, letting them know if it is safe to pass or if thieves, rivals or Border Patrol agents are on their route. Spotters are armed with high-powered weapons, including, in at least one case, shoulder-fired rocket launchers. If they see a US official or a rival gang member, they may simply report it—or they may shoot.

Once an illegal arrives, he is usually taken to a “drop house.” Phoenix area law enforcement has turned up 600 of these so far, many of them rented. One contained 108 illegal aliens. To prevent escapes, windows are boarded up and illegal aliens may be forced to remove their clothes. One night in 2008, Phoenix police received a bizarre report concerning fifty naked and bloodied people running down a street. They turned out to be a group of illegal aliens who had succeeded in overpowering their captors and breaking out of a drop house.

These houses are used for holding illegal aliens until smugglers have received enough money to let them go. This often means much more than the two to three thousand dollars typically agreed upon beforehand.

Many illegal aliens have working relatives in the US who can be subjected to extortion. One enterprising smuggler created a “torture room” within his drop house. He would call up a migrant’s US relatives and let them listen to the migrant being beaten and pleading for his life. Unsurprisingly, this technique proved highly profitable.